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2026-08-26
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花样男子
年轻人欢迎来到季后赛！库里巴特勒收学费 火箭两大短板超巨+经验_我的网站
一 |
相信大家看了火勇大战G1，基本明白了季后赛经验的重要性以及超级巨星在高端局的特殊价值。
二 |
RALEIGH, N.C. – The 2024 election promises to feature several major battlegrounds, but for sheer breadth of competitive contests, North Carolina next year will be hard to beat.
It starts with the presidential race. Recent presidential contests in North Carolina have been close: In 2020, Donald Trump won North Carolina by about 74,000 votes out of more than 5.5 million cast. Experts expect a competitive race again in 2024.
In addition, a newly empowered GOP majority on the North Carolina Supreme Court is poised to redraw the congressional map to benefit Republicans, producing the possibility of competitive races.
Meanwhile, the parties will fiercely contest both chambers of the legislature, which the GOP currently controls by narrow supermajorities, thanks to a Democrat-to-Republican party-switcher in the state House earlier this year. That party switch, by state Rep. Tricia Cotham, now enables Republicans to enact a strongly conservative agenda over the vetoes of Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper if they wish.
Cooper, for his part, is term-limited, teeing up a knock-down, drag-out contest to succeed him, likely between Democratic Attorney General Josh Stein and Republican Lt. Gov. Mark Robinson.
And that isn’t it for falling dominoes: The decisions by Stein and Robinson to seek the governorship leave their old offices of attorney general and lieutenant governor up for grabs in 2024, joining the GOP-held offices of state treasurer and labor commissioner as open-seat contests. The Democratic-held offices of secretary of state and auditor and the Republican-held offices of schools superintendent, insurance commissioner and agriculture commissioner will also be contested in 2024, with varying degrees of competitiveness.
In other words, in 2024, North Carolina will be one of the centers of the political universe – important in part because it’s a uniquely competitive state.
“There’s no telling who will win in 2024, but I’d bet half-court tickets to the UNC-Duke game that it will be close and North Carolina will retain its title as the definition of ‘purple,’” says Chris Cooper, a Western Carolina University political scientist (and no relation to the governor).
In recent years, North Carolina has mostly hosted close statewide races. During the 2020 and 2022 elections, North Carolina held 16 federal and state races for statewide office – and no candidate in any of them won more than 54% of the vote.
In addition, unlike most states in this highly polarized age, North Carolina has elected a thorough mix of Democrats and Republicans to statewide executive offices, which suggests that voters in the state – or at least a crucial subset of them – are willing to split their tickets.
The Republicans have done best in Senate and presidential contests. In those races, the GOP has kept a consistent – if modest – edge. It’s been a decade and a half since a Democrat has won one of those races. The last to win were Kay Hagan for Senate and Barack Obama for president, both of them way back in 2008.
“North Carolina has proved to be a purple state, but not necessarily a swing state,” says Cooper, the political scientist. “The statewide outcomes have been among the closest in the country, but Republicans have found themselves just on the winning side of the razor’s edge for presidential and Senate elections.”
The most intriguing contrast one can draw for North Carolina is with one of its neighbors to the south. Could North Carolina follow Georgia’s path in voting blue for Senate and presidential elections?
For the better part of two decades, Georgia, like North Carolina, had voted consistently Republican in key federal races – until 2020. That year, Democrats Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock won uphill, and narrow, victories for Senate seats, while Biden was winning the state in the presidential race. In 2022, Warnock won another close election to a full six-year term.
In an era when urban areas have grown bluer by the year, Georgia has seen its major metro area – Atlanta – steadily move toward the Democrats. In 2000, metro Atlanta backed Republican George W. Bush by 4 points. By 2020, the Atlanta metro area backed Biden by 28 points, a whopping 32-point shift.
North Carolina’s biggest metro areas saw a similar pattern.
North Carolina’s Raleigh-Durham metro area backed Gore in 2000 by less than a point. Two decades later, Biden won it by 26 points. The state’s most populous county, Wake County (which includes Raleigh and Cary), favored Bush in 2000 by about a point, but backed Biden by 27.
Similar patterns held in the North Carolina portion of the Charlotte metro area. In 2000, Bush won the Charlotte metro area by 18 points. But by 2020, Biden won the region by 4 points – a 22-point shift. The state’s second largest county, Mecklenburg County (which includes Charlotte), voted for Bush by almost 3 points in 2000 but Biden by a massive 36 points.
Such shifts helped the Democrats narrow the statewide gap substantially in North Carolina. In 2000, Bush defeated Gore statewide by 13 points, whereas Trump defeated Biden by about 1 point.
But these shifts weren’t enough to tip the state to the Democrats in the presidential race. A big reason why: Raleigh-Durham and Charlotte don’t have as large a footprint in North Carolina as metro Atlanta does in Georgia.
In 2020, Atlanta’s metro counties accounted for just shy of a majority of votes cast in Georgia – 49%, up from 46% in 2000. So even as outlying Georgia was growing redder – backing Bush by 19 and Trump by 26 – Democrats were able to turn a 12-point statewide loss by Al Gore in 2000 into a narrow victory for Biden in 2020.
By contrast, the Raleigh-Durham and Charlotte metro areas account for a minority of the state’s voters, growing from 36% of the votes cast in 2000 to 42% in 2020.
In other words, in North Carolina, the Democratic gains in the two big metro areas were nearly canceled out by the large and growing GOP margins elsewhere.
“North Carolina has the second most rural voters in the country after Texas, so running up the score in Raleigh-Durham and Charlotte won't get you victory the way Atlanta does in Georgia,” says Cooper, the political scientist. “There’s been a massive Republican gain in rural areas”
Over the next quarter-century, Wake and Mecklenburg counties are projected to grow dramatically faster in population than most other North Carolina counties, according to calculations by the state’s Board of Science, Technology & Innovation. Over the long term, this could make the state bluer.
But for now, North Carolina’s political balance of power belongs in the hands of “countrypolitan" counties, a term coined by Mac McCorkle, a longtime North Carolina consultant who now teaches at Duke University's Sanford School of Public Policy, and Rachel Salzberg.
These 28 counties sit within the economic and commuting orbit of North Carolina’s metro areas, but they’re located on the outlying edge, and they lack the racial diversity, college attainment levels and higher incomes that increasingly align with voting Democratic.
By McCorkle’s and Salzberg’s calculations, “countrypolitan” counties backed Trump in 2020 by a gaping 63%-36% margin, and collectively they provided Trump with about 50% more raw votes than North Carolina’s 50 most rural counties did.
That’s a major reason why Republicans have remained modestly ahead in North Carolina, at least in high-profile federal races, experts say.
To do well in North Carolina, says Western Carolina’s Cooper, “Democrats don’t have to win the rural vote, but they have to avoid getting pummeled.”
This is the goal of Anderson Clayton, the newly installed head of the state Democratic Party. At 25, Clayton, an Appalachian State University graduate, is the youngest state Democratic chairman in the nation.
“One of the things that I think that I learned from being on national campaigns is that a lot of times the national party is not looking at rural places like they should be,” Anderson told an audience in Union County, according to The Washington Post. “They’re looking at it as a place of a problem. And for me, I got really frustrated with that. It was part of the thing that called me home.”
This advice doesn’t just hold for presidential and Senate races, political observers say. It will also help determine whether Democrats can stay competitive in North Carolina’s state-level offices or whether Republicans start running away with them.
Since the dawn of the 20th century, North Carolina has elected only three Republican governors – one for a term in the 1970s, one for two terms in the 1980s and 1990s, and one for a term in the 2010s.
Historically, the successful Democratic model for winning North Carolina gubernatorial races has been to nominate a candidate who can win in metro areas but who hails from less populated regions of the state and connects with voters there. A good example is the current governor, who helped his family farm tobacco while growing up.
But the pool of potential Democratic candidates from more rural areas “has dried up,” says Rob Schofield, the editor of the online publication NC Newsline. Lining up Democratic candidates to run everywhere, as Clayton seeks to do, will be challenging.
“That counts on people running even if they know they will lose and be sacrificed, which is a hard sell,” says Ferrel Guillory, an emeritus professor of political science at the University of North Carolina.
In any case, the likely 2024 Democratic gubernatorial nominee, Stein, is set to break his party’s historic mold. Stein, a former legislator who has won two terms as attorney general, grew up in Chapel Hill, home of the University of North Carolina, and earned his undergraduate degree from Dartmouth and a law degree and a master’s of public affairs from Harvard.
Meanwhile, Stein’s potential Republican opponent also represents departure from past Republican gubernatorial candidates, who have tended to be economic conservatives from metro areas: Robinson is an outspoken social conservative who has flirted with conspiracy theories, ranging from the moon landing to crisis actors in school shootings.
Robinson doesn’t have a clear path to the nomination. In the primary, he faces state Treasurer Dale Folwell, former Congressman Mark Walker, former legislator Andy Wells and retired health executive Jesse Thomas. But he’s considered the front-runner, due to a strong core of support in a state where, by law, 30% plus one is enough to win a primary.
If the race comes down to Stein and Robinson, as conventional wisdom suggests, “it will be an epic and titanic battle that will be bitterly divided and deeply polarizing,” says Michael Bitzer, a professor of politics and history at Catawba College. “Probably the most expensive gubernatorial race in the nation for next year, and it may break state records.”
One unknown for now is how the Republican supermajority flexes its expanded policy muscle.
After years of opposition, the GOP legislature in March passed legislation to expand Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act, and Cooper quickly signed it. But after Cotham’s party switch produced a supermajority, Republicans sidestepped Cooper’s veto and passed a 12-week abortion ban, which is being challenged in court.
Passage of the abortion ban could energize Democrats, as it has in other purple and even red states. This could be exacerbated if the GOP passes other laws popular with the party’s socially conservative base but unpopular among moderates. Robinson’s candidacy, too, risks scaring off Republican moderates.
“When the Republicans moved to find some way to accept Medicaid expansion, to me that reflected that, wow, these guys may be understanding their rough edges,” McCorkle says in an interview. “Then the abortion law happens and then Robinson happens. That could explode things.”
John Hood, president of the John William Pope Foundation, a grant-making foundation, says he believes Republicans in the legislature are “realistic.”
“They recognize that either Stein will be governor or Robinson will be governor, and they don’t trust either,” Hood says.
Ultimately, the noise from the presidential race, especially if Trump is the GOP nominee, could drown out everything else down-ballot.
“The national networks and media may be so consumed by the presidential election that state issues may not affect the public’s mind,” Guillory says.
。经验+超巨，勇士的两大优势恰好是火箭最明显的短板。
勇士虽然就库里、巴特勒、波杰姆斯基三个人得分上双，但库里和巴特勒在一场防守大战中交出了保质保量的硬解输出——哥俩合砍的56分之中罚球仅占了6分，合计有50分是实打实的巨星产出，球在这两人手里，科尔和勇士心里就有底。
三 |
反观火箭进攻篮板22-6勇士，全场比勇士多了11次出手（87-76），但进攻极度便秘：范弗里特三分球13中2、杰伦-格林三分4中0、伊森三分4中0，基本都是大空位，死活投不进；杰伦-格林和阿门合计丢了9个上篮，许多简单球反而没打进——进攻缺乏稳定性，火箭的外线球员和库里/巴特勒差了不止一个档次。
火箭确实打出了统治级的禁区表现（进攻篮板22-6、内线得分54-34勇士），但全队三分球命中率仅有20.7%（29中6），投篮命中率39.1%，首发后场范弗里特+杰伦-格林合计34中7合砍17分，你说火箭这球输得冤还是不冤？
火箭完全有机会，但也是真不中用。
勇士全队三人得分上双，首节仅得18分、半场47分、全场95分，火箭能把勇士限制在百分之内，这其实是一场属于火箭防守节奏的比赛，火箭联盟第4的防守效率打出了想要的防守效果。
火箭主动修改了防守对位设计，申京主防穆迪、范弗里特对位追梦、阿门锁库里、狄龙对巴特勒、杰伦-格林防波杰姆斯基。
一旦库追挡拆→范弗里特换防库里、阿门对位追梦，拿走了勇士招牌的库追挡拆。
一旦库里与巴特勒挡拆→狄龙换防库里、阿门换防巴特勒，能对得上。
库里挡拆想点名申京只能找穆迪，这也在根本上体现了乌度卡的用意，鼓励勇士库里+穆迪挡拆点名申京——申京包夹库里，默许穆迪顺下处理球，暴露穆迪的顺下终结和视野不足。
勇士单节仅得18分的关键是穆迪VS申京、追梦VS范弗里特这两组对位确实暂不具备持续错位硬解惩罚的能力，穆迪的持球能力无法打动申京，追梦低位一个球一个球凿死范弗里特也不现实，科尔也默认二者不具备这种能力，球权始终留在库里和巴特勒手上，是故勇士开场阵地战挡拆进攻不开，火箭的防守对位设计迫使库里和巴特勒要轮流早早接管。
四 |
火箭限制库里和巴特勒也都做了充分准备，但真核不怕火炼。
火箭对库里用了组合拳：阿门全场领防，1-4号位无限换防；库里挡拆点名找申京/亚当斯，强延误夹击逼出球；三分线外单防库里时贴防不给三分，鼓励库里突破往里走，让库里挑战篮下补防进行高难度出手。
库里完美展示了巨星级别的调整能力，开场3次无球走位抢三分出手3中0后，明显增加了冲击篮筐的出手比重，三次持球强突高难度上篮打进，还有单打范弗里特的上下步超远挑篮——三分3中0后两分球4中4，换了攻击思路。
火箭确实也有意让库里往三分线内走，但库里交出了恐怖的终结效率，这也正是库里的伟大之处，他不仅仅是个三分射手，更有顶级的运控能力、灵动高效的突破近筐终结以及精准的中投。
库里攻击火箭的防守做到了突投结合，第二节提速追身遇上申京抬手就是一记转换三分，此后再接边线球速射超远三分——火箭防守并没有失位，库里开场3中0后7中7，上半场16分之中仅有一次接追梦传球内切是空位终结，其他6个运动战进球都遭遇严防仍能稳稳打进。
火箭对巴特勒的防守其实也没毛病，没有频繁吃假动作被骗跳，巴特勒全场就6个罚球，但他硬解狄龙、阿门、伊森、申京、亚当斯换防都打出了巨星表现，19中10砍下全队第二高的25分，各种古典中距离单打运一步急停跳投或背身假动作接跳投把火箭这帮肌肉跳跳男治的没脾气。
巴特勒和库里这玄冥二老太过稳健，火箭的换防体系被老哥俩的节奏流技术型打法一刀一刀捅穿。
火箭充分发挥了高度优势、肌肉活力、运动天赋，但进攻便秘神仙难救。
火箭三高统治了篮板球，申京211公分、亚当斯211公分、小贾巴里-史密斯208公分，火箭进攻篮板22-6完爆了勇士，火箭在勇士内线莽下了54分（勇士内线得分为34分），在禁区和篮板方面可以说是完胜。
能跑能跳体能好、运动活力十足、防守强悍不惜力，这都是年轻火箭的优点，但缺点更加明显：火箭的阵地战开发能力严重不足，阿门、杰伦-格林、范弗里特三个外线持球点还远达不到持球核的级别和档次。
勇士只防阿门这个点的突破，阿门小蛮牛身体天赋冲筐威胁十足，但投射短板导致了他持球打挡拆时勇士只需绕掩护走下线+内线收缩就好；杰伦-格林依赖右手终结，库里单防杰伦-格林侧身锁右手，只让杰伦-格林突左路，杰伦-格林全场7分打不动库里；范弗里特投射神经刀，183公分体型矮小，篮下终结疲软，依赖挡拆中远投，全场19中4、三分13中2堪称火箭此役“第一战犯”。
火箭三个持球手在高端局都明显不好用，成色和档次完全和勇士的库里+巴特勒双星没法比，申京重心高遇夹击出球慢全场5个失误，火箭根本上难在场上找不到一个稳定可靠的进攻轴心作为战术支点，是故失误多、进攻乱，第二节单节7失误，被勇士打出一波29-13挖下了大坑。
火箭的防守强度、内线高度、拼抢活力在这轮系列赛是固有优势，但他们打好进攻才有和勇士掰手腕的资本，毕竟勇士双超巨压阵，火箭一直浪费大空位投射机会想赢球自然难上加难。
年轻人欢迎来到季后赛，交学费就是季后赛的第一课。
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